Tens of thousands of Hungarians filled Budapest's Heroes' Square and surrounding streets on Friday night for an anti-Fidesz concert, as voters prepare to decide whether to end Viktor Orbán's 16 years of continuous rule in an election that could reshape the country's democratic institutions and European alignment. First-time voter Fanni, who traveled two hours from a southern village with her mother, captured the mood: "I feel it in my bones something's going to change. I don't believe I'd vote for [Magyar] in an ideal situation, but this is our only chance."
Péter Magyar, a former Fidesz insider who rebelled against the party, told cheering supporters on the campaign's final day, "We're at the gates of a two-thirds majority victory. Let's gear up and push for the last 100m!" Magyar's grassroots movement Tisza has attracted support from across the political spectrum, particularly among young voters, and leads by an average of 10 points in opinion polls.
A Generation Seeking Change
The shift among younger voters represents a dramatic break from Fidesz's long dominance. Political analyst Zsuzsanna Végh of the German Marshall Fund of the US noted a clear movement away from Orbán among voters aged 18-29, with opinion polls giving Fidesz less than 10% of the younger vote. Laura, a first-time voter attending a Magyar rally with her friend Napsugár, said, "Right now there's no future for the young in Hungary." Both have no memory of any other government than Fidesz.
Végh described the numbers Magyar has attracted as unprecedented: "What I find very telling is the extent of engagement and mobilisation." She also noted "overall shifts in terms of the smaller towns and to a lesser extent in the villages too towards the opposition which have been Fidesz strongholds."
Corruption Concerns Drive Voters
At a florists' stall in Székesfehérvár, Hungary's medieval "city of kings," Eva, 73, said it is time for a change: "Fidesz rule has to stop, they stole a lot and the country's dying." Her comments reflect broader concerns about corruption and cronyism that have pushed many Orbán voters away from the governing party. Big public contracts were handed to Orbán's inner circle and independent media companies were bought up by his allies.
One of Hungary's richest men, György Wáberer, accused Fidesz of "fear-mongering" about the EU and Ukraine while cosying up to the Kremlin. He said, "12 April is a fateful date: You will decide whether you want to belong to Europe or to the Russians!" prompting an angry response from the state secretary in Orbán's office, who said he was betraying the party and selling out.
Campaign's Final Hours
Magyar's final campaign stop will be in Debrecen, the second city in north-east Hungary, while Orbán, who trails in most of the polls, will address a rally in Budapest. The Fidesz leader has been buoyed by a two-day campaign visit from US Vice-President JD Vance and President Donald Trump's pledge to "use the full Economic Might of the United States to strengthen Hungary's Economy," if Orbán won the election.
Orbán warns his audience, "We could lose everything we have built," and calls for national unity in a time of difficulty. His attempt to identify the EU and Ukraine's Volodymyr Zelensky as Hungary's main threat has failed to dent his challenger's lead. Anti-EU and anti-Ukraine rhetoric is a staple of the Orbán campaign, repeated on pro-Orbán TV and news sites, and portrayed by Fidesz posters of Ukraine's Volodymyr Zelensky alongside Magyar with the words "They are dangerous!" underneath.
At the covered market in Székesfehérvár, pensioner Agota complained about the opposition's intention to embrace the European Union and Ukraine: "Their approach to Hungary is not what it should be. It's a realistic fear to be dragged into the war." Yet protesters at an Orbán rally disrupted the prime minister's speech with chants of "Russians go home," words that resonate from 1956 when Moscow sent in the tanks to crush Hungary's revolution against Soviet occupation.
Péter Magyar has welcomed Russian "propaganda" TV crews to his rallies, telling them that they can look forward to real "regime change," and his supporters have chanted "Russians go home," a sign that many Hungarians have had enough. Orbán's ties to Putin have meant cheap fuel supplies for Hungarians throughout the fifth year of the conflict in Ukraine.
Why This Matters:
After 16 years of Fidesz control, Hungary's election represents a potential turning point for democratic institutions that have been systematically weakened under Orbán's rule. If Magyar achieves a majority, it would end many Orbán policies, but without winning two-thirds of seats he will struggle to scrap much of the Fidesz-supporting infrastructure in the judiciary and elsewhere. The unprecedented mobilization of young voters and the shift in traditional Fidesz strongholds suggest deep public frustration with corruption, cronyism, and the concentration of power in the hands of Orbán's inner circle. The outcome will determine whether Hungary's 9.6 million people realign with European democratic norms and multilateral cooperation, or continue down a path of isolation that has made the country a thorn in the side of EU allies and neighbor Ukraine. For a generation of young Hungarians who have known only Fidesz rule, the stakes involve their economic futures and the restoration of independent institutions essential to democratic accountability.