On the eve of Hungary's election, popular anger has been channeled into an opposition movement seeking to end 16 years of continuous rule by Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party. Tens of thousands of Hungarians packed the capital's Heroes' Square for an anti-Fidesz concert, reflecting widespread discontent. First-time voter Fanni, traveling two hours from a village, stated, "I don't believe I'd vote for [Magyar] in an ideal situation, but this is our only chance," underscoring the limited options perceived by the electorate.
Péter Magyar, a former Fidesz insider, leads the challenger movement, Tisza, which has attracted support across the political spectrum, particularly among young voters. Magyar, described as a centre-right conservative, aims for "regime change" and believes victory is in sight, having criss-crossed the country with multiple daily campaign speeches. However, political analyst Zsuzsanna Végh of the German Marshall Fund of the US notes that even with a parliamentary majority, Magyar would "struggle to scrap much of the Fidesz-supporting infrastructure in the judiciary and elsewhere" without a two-thirds majority, highlighting the entrenched nature of state power.
The Cost of 16 Years of Rule
The long tenure of Fidesz has been marked by accusations of corruption and cronyism, which have alienated many former Orbán voters. Eva, a 73-year-old florist in Székesfehérvár, asserted, "Fidesz rule has to stop, they stole a lot and the country's dying," directly linking the ruling party's actions to economic decline. This sentiment is echoed by Laura, a first-time voter, who stated, "Right now there's no future for the young in Hungary," reflecting the economic precarity faced by a generation that has known no other government. The base article notes that "big public contracts were handed to his inner circle and independent media companies were bought up by his allies," illustrating the systematic concentration of wealth and control over public resources and information under Fidesz. While Andrea, Eva's daughter-in-law, pointed to renovations of six schools and new hospital buildings as Fidesz achievements, Eva countered that "many of the public contracts in Hungary have been mired in corruption," suggesting that even public works serve as conduits for surplus extraction.
Capital's External Allies
The election is not solely an internal affair, as external capital interests have openly intervened. Orbán's campaign received a boost from a two-day visit by US Vice-President JD Vance. This was followed by President Donald Trump's pledge to "use the full Economic Might of the United States to strengthen Hungary's Economy," should Orbán win. This demonstrates the direct influence of international capital and state power in shaping electoral outcomes to protect specific economic alignments. Orbán, a close partner of both Trump and Russia's Vladimir Putin, has leveraged these ties, securing "cheap fuel supplies for Hungarians throughout the fifth year of the conflict in Ukraine." This geopolitical maneuvering, while offering some immediate material benefit, positions Hungary within a complex web of international capital blocs. One of Hungary's richest men, György Wáberer, accused Fidesz of "fear-mongering" about the EU and Ukraine while "cosying up to the Kremlin," framing the election as a choice between "Europe or to the Russians," indicating a struggle between different imperial spheres of influence.
Limits of Electoral Change
Orbán's campaign has relied on anti-EU and anti-Ukraine rhetoric, portraying Ukraine's Volodymyr Zelensky alongside Magyar with the warning "They are dangerous!" This strategy, however, has failed to dent Magyar's average 10-point lead in opinion polls. Despite the popular momentum behind Magyar's movement, the structural limitations of electoral politics are evident. Magyar's "regime change" aims to overturn Fidesz's control of local governments and the judiciary, but his conservative political stance suggests that fundamental shifts in the economic system are not on the agenda. The chant "Russians go home," heard at both Magyar and Orbán rallies, resonates with the 70th anniversary of Hungary's revolution against Soviet occupation, when Moscow sent in tanks in 1956. This historical memory of foreign domination underscores a deeper desire for national self-determination that transcends the immediate electoral contest between two factions of the ruling class. The political analyst Végh noted "overall shifts in terms of the smaller towns and to a lesser extent in the villages too towards the opposition which have been Fidesz strongholds," indicating a broad base of discontent, yet the proposed solutions remain within the confines of the existing capitalist state.