The election of a new center-left coalition in Bulgaria, led by ex-president Rumen Radev, has been met with skepticism from working people, who question whether the shift in political power will address the nation's deep-seated oligarchic corruption and chronic instability. This comes after a previous conservative government collapsed in December (same year) following nationwide anti-corruption protests that drew hundreds of thousands of mainly young people to the streets.
The Persistence of Oligarchic Power
With all ballots counted, the Progressive Bulgaria coalition, led by Radev, secured 44.6% of the vote, significantly ahead of the center-right GERB party of veteran leader Boyko Borissov (13.4%) and the pro-Western reformist bloc (12.6%). Borissov conceded defeat and congratulated Radev.
Radev campaigned on a promise to “remove the corrupt, oligarchic model of governance from political power,” a system that has seen Bulgaria repeatedly criticized for failing to tackle corruption and deficiencies in the rule of law.
This “oligarchic model” is exemplified by figures such as Delyan Peevski, an oligarch sanctioned for corruption by the US and Britain.
Vessela Tcherneva, Deputy Director of the Berlin-based European Council on Foreign Relations, stated that a primary task for Radev’s government will be freeing Bulgarian institutions from the control of Borissov and Peevski.
The nation of 6.5 million has endured a “fifth year” of fragmented parliaments and weak governments since 2021, none surviving more than a year before being brought down by street protests or backroom deals in parliament.
Radev's popularity surged as he positioned himself as an opponent of the “entrenched mafia and their ties to high-ranking politicians,” reflecting widespread discontent with the systematic extraction of wealth.
The State's Contradictions
Radev, a 62-year-old former fighter pilot, earned a Master of Strategic Studies degree from the U.S. Air War College 23 years ago, before being appointed Bulgarian air force commander.
He resigned from his mostly ceremonial presidency in January (same year) to launch a bid to lead the government in the more powerful role as prime minister.
While describing his party's victory as “unequivocal,” a “victory of hope over distrust, a victory of freedom over fear,” Radev also stated that “a strong Bulgaria and a strong Europe need critical thinking and pragmatism.”
He added that “Europe has fallen victim to its own ambition to be a moral leader in a world without rules,” signaling a potential divergence from established EU foreign policy.
During his presidency, Radev gained a reputation for being sympathetic to Russia, repeatedly opposing EU efforts to send military aid to Ukraine for its war against Russia’s full-scale invasion.
He has often argued that supporting Ukraine risks drawing Bulgaria into the war and has favored reopening talks with Russia as a way out of the conflict.
Maria Simeonova, head of the Sofia Office of the European Council on Foreign Relations, suggested that Radev is likely to seek external legitimacy through building relationships with other European leaders, despite his past pro-Russian statements.
Simeonova added that Radev's criticism regarding financial and military support for Ukraine or sanctions against Russia will be aimed primarily at the domestic audience.
The President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, congratulated Radev, stating that “Bulgaria is a proud member of the European family and plays an important role in tackling our common challenges,” underscoring the integration of the Bulgarian state into the broader European capitalist bloc.
Workers' Enduring Skepticism
Despite the electoral shift, working people expressed reservations about the prospects for fundamental change, tired of what they described as “seemingly never-ending election roulette.”
Nikoleta Dimitrova, a 37-year-old shop assistant from Sofia, articulated a desire for “a more stable judicial system, and for trust in institutions to truly be restored.”
Dimitrova noted that until now, institutions “have been heavily influenced by various figures, many of whom, as we can see from the current results, have now left the government.”
Accountant Cveta Gerogieva, 55, hoped that “we will really live a better life” but expressed uncertainty that “there will be stability for a long period,” anticipating that “probably we will vote again.”
These sentiments reflect a deep-seated understanding that electoral victories alone do not dismantle the structural mechanisms of wealth concentration and political capture that have defined the Bulgarian state for years, leaving the underlying economic order largely unchallenged by these reform efforts.